China has spelt out its DPRK policy

Many observers have interpreted China's policy toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in recent times as "not-so-tolerant", especially because Beijing backed UN-led sanctions against Pyongyang after it conducted its third nuclear test in 2013. The purge and execution of Jang Song-thaek, once-powerful uncle of top DPRK leader Kim Jong-un, at the end of last year too dealt a blow to China-DPRK ties.

But such speculations, which understate the relationship between China and the DPRK and view Pyongyang as a "strategic burden" of Beijing, are by and large inaccurate. The fact is that, China remains committed both to maintaining its traditional relationship with the DPRK and strengthening its cooperation with the Republic of Korea.

Indeed, President Xi Jinping's visit to Seoul in July broke the established diplomatic practice of the top Chinese leader visiting the DPRK before the ROK. But, at best, it only indicates the China-DPRK relationship has hit a speed bump, rather than reached a tipping point. Despite Pyongyang's extreme moves such as conducting the nuclear test, Beijing prefers to leave some maneuvering space in the "sanctions" against Pyongyang.

Compared with the US-Japan alliance or the US-ROK ties, the traditional bond between China and the DPRK seems to be weakening. But the Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance signed between Beijing and Pyongyang in 1961 has been automatically renewed twice and will be valid until 2021. The treaty will keep both countries on the same page despite troubles.

Of course, China will continue helping the DPRK if the latter realizes that the nuclear issue is not the only one that matters in China-DPRK ties, the simultaneous development of the domestic economy and nuclear projects will not be tolerated by its neighbors and the international community, and that China is still its most reliable partner.

The Six-Party Talks, initiated in 2003 but stalled for the last six years, could help resolve the DPRK nuclear issue. Yet the lack of mutual trust and shared interests has made it difficult for the six parties - the DPRK, the ROK, China, the US, Japan and Russia - to resume the talks.

Moreover, Washington, now distracted by the Ukrainian crisis and the Islamic State's expansion in the Middle East, has never been sincere enough to resolve the DPRK nuclear issue. Instead, it has been using it to strategically contain China and Russia. Therefore, China has to think outside the "Six-Party Talks" box to take more effective measures to pursue nuclear non-proliferation in East Asia.

To begin with, it should push for permanent peace instead of temporary truce on the Korean Peninsula.

China should also call for compromise among all parties because demonizing, sanctions and military drills have failed to mellow the DPRK. The fact remains that only convincing negotiations can make the DPRK agree to give up its nuclear program.

Moreover, Pyongyang has to understand that the blind pursuit of nuclear program will only harm its economic and social development, as well as antagonize the international community. It also should understand that non-proliferation is not an attempt to maintain US hegemony in the world; on the contrary, it benefits most countries willing to maintain a stable world order.

For a rising China, the destabilizing factors in the Northeast Asia are not only the DPRK and its nuclear program. Japan, as a close ally of the US, is making efforts to amend its pacifist Constitution to exercise the right to collective defense, and the "pivot to Asia" policy of the US aims to drag China into confrontations with its Asian allies such as the Philippines.

Given these facts, it is important for the world to know China policy toward the DPRK. By criticizing a recent UN resolution, which proposed to refer Pyongyang to the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity, and declaring that such issues should be left to the DPRK people to decide, Beijing has made the decision.

The author, Zhao Lixin, is the director of the Department of International Political Science, Yanbian University, Jilin province.